At 55 years of age, Gregorio Honasan, better known as Gringo, remained tirelessly active. He had put his weapon aside and shed his soldier's uniform for the traditional barong and a stint in politics. Yet, he's still identified with coup d'etats, still lives on the run and is as charismatic as ever.

That day, he got out his car and flashed the smile that made many a Filipina swoon with ecstasy, and headed towards the fourth floor of the Philippine Department of Justice. His arrival created a bit of stir: the "fugitive" had come in from the cold. "I have come here with good intentions, to give myself up and respond to all the charges made against me," said Honasan.

He had come to clarify his involvement in the attempted coup d'etat against Arroyo's government a few months ago. Although the young officers involved have been identified, Honasan, who has taken part in other acts of rebellion—namely the 1986 uprising against President Marcos—is nevertheless cited as the mover behind the scenes.

Back then, he was angered at the corruption within the military, especially among his senior officers, so he mobilized his like-minded friends to revolt. The movement began in 1983, following the crisis caused by Benigno Aquino's assassination. Honasan led the 1971 class of the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) to form the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM). During a military parade of PMA alumni in 1985, they openly protested the corruption to Marcos and other leaders of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).

Having participated in the successful overthrow of Marcos, in 1987 Honasan became impatient with the government of Cory Aquino. In August of that year, he shocked Manila residents by attacking and occupying a television station, the Villamor Air Force base, Malacanang presidential palace, and a number of military bases in and around Manila. But it was a short-lived rebellion. The 1989 coup—by his own admission—was the last violent attempt against Cory Aquino's government.

Honasan is a restless figure who became a myth in the Philippines. There were stories of how he collected the ears of men he killed, which he strung together into a necklace, and other atrocities he committed, befitting a B-grade Hollywood movie. Those were myths. What was not a myth was when reporters wanted to interview him while he was on the run: they had to be blindfolded on the way to his hideout.

When the attempt to oust Arroyo failed, Honasan disappeared for almost a month. To be exact, it was from August 1, at 4am, up to the time he reappeared in front of the Justice Department on August 27. Minister for the Interior and Regional Government, Jose Lina Jr., has accused him of being the brains behind the officers' rebellion, led by Navy Lieutenant Antonio Trillanes IV and his friends from the 1995 Class of the PMA. They occupied the Oakwood Premier Ayala Center in the busy business area of Makati. They were protesting the growing corruption within the military, particularly among the senior officers.

But the mutiny involving hundreds of young officers was easily crushed. The government searched for the real leader behind them. Two names immediately emerged: former president Joseph Estrada and Senator Gringo Honasan. There was proof and the admission of some officers involved in the Makati mutiny of those two names. An ex-secretary of the former president was detained. Gringo got scared and went into hiding. He ignored the summons of an independent commission investigating the mutiny. According to a parliamentary figure, Gerardo Espina, Honasan contacted Senator Ernesto Maceda and asked him to protect his family. "Ernie, please take care of my family," he told Maceda, before disappearing last month.

Known to be good at playing tago nang tago (hide and seek), Honasan was indeed difficult to reach for an interview. When TEMPO was in Manila not long ago, he told his staff, he would be the one to make the telephone call. Finally, one morning, the phone rang and a hoarse voice came on the line, "Hello, I'm Gregorio Honasan. The long wait had ended.

The following are excerpts of a one-hour interview between Honasan and TEMPO reporter Purwani Diyah Prabandari.

Why are you still in hiding?

Actually, I have been to the Justice Department. I should be able to gradually resume my daily tasks. But right now, I am still moving very cautiously.

Why?

What happened just prior to the 2001 elections happened again this time. Many evil faces emerged. It is all reminiscent of a time when the government scrutinized the faces of the opposition.

But why are you hiding if you feel you are innocent?

This is in connection with premature charges against me following the July 27 incident in Makati. A cabinet minister accused me of being the brains behind the officers in the Makati incident. Everything went out of control for about a month following charges by the public and the media.

That made you go into hiding?

Yes.

But there were witnesses who claimed you attended the final meeting on the coup, along with a blood oath?

That claim only appeared during the investigation committee formed by the president. But it did not appear in the Senate hearing. There, the officers denied involving politicians and other groups. They admitted their actions were unilateral and independent. They did not intend to take over the government or rebel against it.

Did you attend their meetings?

I never attended any secret meetings, let alone take blood oaths. I also never urged any groups to overthrow the government. All the dialogs I ever had were open, legal and peaceful. As chairman of the Peace and Reconciliation Commission, I would never use violence to solve a problem. In fact, I had decided to run in the 2004 elections and I formed the National Recovery Program (NRP)

What's this program about?

I look at it as a policy that covers politics, social issues and the economy in order to be able to address problems of peace and order, poverty and corruption. We have to generate livelihood to improve the economy. We spend less than what we earn in terms of revenue. What we are asking is not pay all of our external debt obligation. It means an amendment to the law is required. If we have to pay all our debts, it will kill our people. It is a practical solution. We have to talk about the basic needs of the people.

Did this NRP become the evidence of your involvement in the July 27 rebellion? Reportedly, the officers referred to your program and saw it as their bible when it was found on them.

I know. The document is being used to link me with the Makati incident.

And you are close to them, you were their advisor?

Some of the young officers would come to my office and discuss their ideas with me. Sometimes they would give us ideas, or the other way around. It is only logical that they later identified themselves with the NRP. They saw it as a bible when they spoke about reforms. But we never mentioned about or pushed them to resort to violence. That's what they said at the hearing. But the government didn't believe them. Everything became politicized. They are looking for a scapegoat.

What is your opinion about the mutiny?

They were raising the issues of corruption, inefficiency and mismanagement, not only within the military, but among the high officials. There is proof that a number of mayors are corrupt. Even at the presidential palace, the first gentleman is being accused of corruption. And that was made public before the Makati incident.

So you admit to being close to them?

I am not personally close to them. They began to approach me about a year ago.

Did you help them?

Yes. I gave them some contributions.

What kind of contributions?

Many kinds, including financial. I have donated significantly to civil projects. That was the start of a dialog between us. I also gave them access to my office, and to others as well. They can meet there. As you know, some of them, like Lieutenant Trillanes, were researching on corruption in the Armed Forces.

Did they discuss plans to rebel?

No, at least not with me. Perhaps it happened between them. I don't always remember who among them I meet. When there's a meeting or an open forum, I would attend. Sometimes I would visit their camps and give lectures on the NRP.

To whom? The a class at the PMA or just the class of Trillanes?

Just Trillanes' Class of `95.

Was that often?

No. I don't remember how many times. I think they began by meeting with my staff. My meetings with them were limited.

Perhaps the actions of the young officers reminded you of yourself, and that's why you helped them?

Yes, they did remind me of myself. I took part in the rebellions of 1986, 1987, and 1989.

What about the plan to overthrow President Joseph Estrada, as claimed by your RAM friends?

I admit to being involved in the 1986, 1987 and 1989 rebellions. No other.

What motivated you to take part during those times?

We voiced the same issues [as with the rebellious officers in Makati]: about reforms, corruption, inefficiency and mismanagement. This time, the officers were more serious. They accused senior military officers of selling weapons to the enemy.

Do you believe those claims?

Just look: Vic Corpus (Victor Corpus, ex-chief of military intelligence) and Defence Minister Angelo Reyes have resigned. It meant a moral victory for the young officers. There's no other way to look at this. The president allowed them to resign. Her message: both these men were not part of the solution, but part of the problem.

But many of your colleagues criticize you, saying that as a senator you didn't do much?

As a senator I tried to implement long-term reforms. The problem is we don't have clear-cut laws to solve policy-driven problems. This condition is not only found in the government, but also among the public, the police and the military. We badly need reforms.

Why do you say it's not safe to be in politics and that you're still a soldier?

Actually, I have no choice. Millions of people have decided what my private life should be. I must be a senator and be their voice. The senate today has become an investigative body, and a place to attack the opposition. It shouldn't happen in a democracy. We need a strong opposition. There can be no political abuse.

How should it be?

I am the first independent senator in Philippine history. I have done this twice, once in 1995 and again in 2001. I have no party. And I have no money. But I have millions of volunteers supporting me. A senate should not be like that. The senate is the only institution to have an electoral mandate. Even President Arroyo herself does not have that kind of mandate. She replaced Joseph Estrada.

So a coup d'etat is possible?

The other issue here is her [Arroyo's] legitimacy. She replaced Estrada, who was overthrown by people power. The question is whether her government is now performing well. They must show the people that they can perform well if they are to get legitimacy. If their report card is not good, including uniting the people, or the military, they have failed. In governmental terminology, she has failed. The one good thing about her is that she has been able to get the support of the only superpower, the United States.

But should this problem be solved by a military rebellion?

The military is split and facing problems of inefficiency, mismanagement and corruption. But this condition is actually a reflection of our society and our government, including the military and the police. There can no longer be revolts, at least from them [the military]. So there must be reforms.

So why did the young officers persist in rebelling, even though the people at large did not support them?

People tend to be non-committal. Look at EDSA now, the government only allows protests that favor them. When the opposition wanted to demonstrate, or the minority groups, they were not allowed. They were told to disperse. So the government has a double-standard policy. The people are in a very difficult situation today. Many don't have access to the media, to medical treatment, to clean water, sanitation and other needs. Even so, a people power movement like the one in 1986 would be difficult.

Why not wait until the elections, which are only some months away?

Maybe the people cannot wait any longer. Our people have become impatient. Sometimes elections make it worse. The people with money win. Many people become impatient and lose hope. This is not good. If people don't like the government, they resort to people power movement. This is not constitutional. But our government is weak. This should be straightened out.

Do you think a six-year presidential term is too long?

It's too long for a bad president. This is a consequence of our failure to produce young idealistic leaders. Those who have no money but want reforms cannot do much. We need reforms, starting with political and social reforms. It's like riding a bad bus, in which the engine doesn't work, the windows are cracked, even the driver doesn't know his way. He has no map to guide him and doesn't know where he'll take his passengers.

As a senator and ex-soldier, how do you see civilian supremacy in a democracy?

I am convinced of that. The military should be under a civilian government and obey it. But this is only if the civilian government is good, is visionary and has clear mandate from the people. This is the instrument for unity. But if we lack a mandate and our performance is bad, and the only thing on their minds is the 2004 elections, then there will be opposition.

So another coup d'etat is still possible?

The military will only follow its leader. Many senior officers have become politicians. Some of them even come to politicians and ask to be given a position.

Is rebellion an option to you if the government is unacceptable?

It depends on the government. I cannot be a public official if the laws and the regulations are not obeyed. Perhaps later, very carefully, I can think about being one again. We can solve problems peacefully and legally. I am willing to be part of the solution, not the problem. But the government doesn't want this.

So, you would still consider rebelling?

Sometimes. But now I'm too old for that.

What have you learnt as a senator after so long in the military, and at times, involved in rebellions?

One important thing is the public and national interest. We must set the agenda and the national interest. If everyone agrees, we will form a program together. The resulting policy has democratic orientation and character. And there must be law enforcement. Then, we should allow an alternative program by a healthy opposition. And this time, implemented peacefully.

Is there any change from being a soldier to a senator?

Once you're an idealist, in principle you will never change.

Gregorio `Gringo' Ballesteros Honasan II

Place & Date of Birth:
- Baguio City, March 14, 1948

Education:
- San Beda College in Taipei, Taiwan
- Dominican School in Taipei, Taiwan
- Don Bosco High School in Mandaluyong
- Philippine Military Academy (PMA), graduated 1971

Career:
- Aide-de-Camp at the Defence Ministry (1974)
- Head of Security, Defence Department
- Commander, Special Operations School at Fort Magsaysay, Nueva Ecija (1986-1987)
- First independent senator (1995-to date)

Awards:
- A number of medals for Counter- Insurgency Operation against Economic Saboteurs and Drug Traffickers
- Gold Cross for combat duty in Lebak, Jolo, and Zamboanga 1973 to 1974
- Military Merit Medal, Military Commendation Medal, Anti-Insurgency Medal, and Wounded Personnel Medal
- EDSA Revolution and Presidential Medals (1986)